BLM. Let's talk some solutions.
No need for pretext.
We all know about the murder of George Floyd. We all know about protests it incited. We all know about the contrasting responses.
The response has included an incredible outpouring of support for the #BlackLivesMatter movement online. I’ve been particularly interested in the messages from people who, like me, aren’t black.
I’ve seen acknowledgements of personal privilege. Commitments to listening, learning, and understanding. Claims to be more than not-racist, but anti-racist. And other efforts to become a better ally.
Which is all great - obviously. But it was too similar to “thoughts and prayers” for my liking. All talk. No action.
Yesterday was #BlackoutTuesday. And yesterday felt different.
Sure, the stream of black tiles looked good in our Insta feeds. But the conversation also shifted, with more people - in particular people who aren’t black - sharing educational and actionable resources to help inspire real change.
Talk is good. Action is great. Solutions are best.
And in that spirit, I want to talk solutions. Solutions that we (and our political representatives) should be pushing forward to address the systemic and pervasive issue of police brutality.
Solutions.
Note: the rest of this post borrows heavily from Campaign Zero and DeRay Mckesson.
Campaign Zero is a platform of research-based policy solutions to end police brutality in the US. It’s a safe bet that the insights and principles also apply outside the US.
DeRay Mckesson is a social justice activist, BLM organizer, host of Pod Save the People, and co-founder of Campaign Zero. Can’t decide if he’s more admirable than cool, or vice versa.
In a recent discussion on Pod Save America (sister show to Pod Save the People), DeRay broke down what actual solutions to police violence look like.
First, solutions need to accomplish two things to be effective:
Changing police behaviours. Fewer police complaints means very little if the cases of police violence is unchanged.
Changing outcomes. The actual intended result: fewer (ideally zero) violent incidents and deaths at the hands of police.
But before exploring solutions that do work, it’s worth understanding what doesn’t. Especially as many of these “solutions” sound good in theory, have broad public support, and in some cases have even seen traction in recent years.
DeRay highlights five generally ineffective (but commonly cited) solutions to police violence:
Body cameras. While there is some evidence bodycams can impact police behaviours, the impact is negligible. Bodycams are better than no bodycams, but it’s not a scalable solution.
Implicit bias training. Can be effective in changing police attitudes, but not behaviours. Better than no training, but also not a solution.
Mental health training. Same issue as with implicit bias training. The effect is limited to attitudes, not behaviours. Again, not a solution.
Community policing. Founded in racist roots, this approach is denounced by many justice activists (DeRay included). Besides, data suggests community policing only changes attitudes, not behaviours. Therefore, not a solution.
Number of black police officers. This one is interesting. There is definitive impact, but only if 35% of a police department is black. And given only 12 US police departments are even 30% black, this is also not a scalable solution.
Okay, so then what does work? DeRay groups effective solutions into two buckets:
Reducing the power of the police. Including use of force policies (more on this below) and reforming police union contracts.
Shrinking the role of the police. And instead shifting resources to other social wellness efforts, including mental health and community intervention programs.
And the single biggest impact?
Use of force policies.
Campaign Zero tracks eight use of force policies. The effectiveness is astounding.
If a police department enacts all eight policies, there is a 72% reduction in police violence (compared to departments that enact none of those policies).
Now that’s pretty effective. That would reduce police killings in the US from 1,000 per year to 280.
What are the policies? I’ve listed them below, but implore you to learn out more about each (and how to support their implementation) at useofforceproject.org.
Requiring situation de-escalation. Communicating with subjects. Maintaining distance. Eliminating the need to use force.
Banning choke or strangle holds. Less lethal force can usually be used instead.
Duty to intervene. If an officer is using excessive force, fellow officers should be required to intervene and report.
Banning shooting at moving vehicles. Already regarded as dangerous and ineffective.
Developing a Force Continuum. Limiting the types of force and weapons that can be used based on the situation.
Exhausting all other reasonable means. Deadly force should be a last resort only.
Requiring verbal warnings before shooting. Warnings should be the default.
Reporting use of force. Including the threat to use force.
To paraphrase from DeRay, these are all common sense policies that are pitifully simple to execute.
And in pursuit of systemic change, these eight use of force policies should be considered the bare minimum. Campaign Zero outlines a ton of other solutions and recommendations around police demilitarization, union contracts, for-profit policing, community representation, and more. All also common sense, albeit not as simple to execute.
Please don’t let this be the end of your involvement in eliminating systemic racism from our police systems. Please understand the policies in place (or not in place) where you live and work. Please reach out to your local, regional, and national representatives and push to enact these policies.
To be clear, systemic racism goes well beyond policing. The issues are deep and rooted throughout our society, from education to housing to employment to politics.
But police reform can be a start.
A life-saving start.